On the one hand, the State remains a central actor in the games of power and conflict, a bellwether of the social demands and a centralizer collective unrest. On the other hand, society is undergoing a process of progressive fragmentation of collective actors and their identities, which is reflected in a trend to the multiplication of the demands outside of the classic frame and institutionalized conflict. This serves to underline the assumption that is facing a situation in which dominate societies polycentric and weak States with limited ability to manage conflict and resolve them with a sense of social cohesion and democratic expansion. Today, we are experiencing very varied situations in the region, but in general terms it is concluded that greater social gaps and lower levels of legitimacy of the institutional regime, the greater amount of conflicts associated with higher levels of radicalism in the protest. Many conflicts tend to climb up by lack of institutional frameworks capable of providing platforms for dialog and …show more content…
Responding to this concern is, in fact, the intention of this work. Research is thus organized around the following questions: how are express conflicts in Latin American public space? How is expressed and characterized in different contexts politico-ideological and sub regional conflicts? what are the main areas of conflict in Latin America?, what is the relationship between State and society in the conflict?, what dynamics of radicalization of the conflict there in the region? What has been the political capacity to process conflict? What prospective scenarios are possible in the medium term and how to affect governance? Ultimately, how they affect conflict to democracy and development? Beyond the diversity of the countries of Latin America, there are problems, trends and options that have a basic platform shared virtually throughout the region, on the unfolding political conflicts, social and economic. It is societies with power structures very concentrated, economic dynamic not always competitive on the international market, state institutions relatively weak and poorly legitimate, with serious problems in terms of violence and public safety, social exclusion (inequality and poverty) both in objective terms as subjective, levels of citizen participation limited and irregular and incomplete mechanisms of institutional recognition of cultural identities . On the other hand, it is